Alliance Alert: Ron Manderscheid, one of the nation鈥檚 most prominent thought leaders and mental health and substance related advocacy champions has issued the following stark warning around federal proposals that threaten hard-won policies that promote recovery, self-determination, equity, social justice and peer support. See here for our summary of SAMHSA鈥檚 recent release detailing those threats.
In less than 2 weeks, our Alliance鈥檚 Annual Conference will feature a number of presentations and panels designed to assess these threats and recommend a host of actions that we can take. Entitled the conference will be held from September 29-Oct. 1st at the in Callicoon, NY. Please use the following links to register today for the and for . Come Join Us!
See below for details of 2 prominent keynote panel presentations:
- September 30, 2015聽聽 10:00-11:15 am 聽聽聽聽聽聽聽聽 FIGHTING FOR OUR RIGHTS AS IF OUR LIVES DEPENDED ON IT!
Leah Harris, Independent Journalist; Vesper Moore, COO, Kiva Centers; Vanessa Ramos, Senior Advisor, Disability Rights California; Ruth Lowenkron, Director of the Disability Justice Program, 黑料正能量 Lawyers for the Public Interest; Harvey Rosenthal, CEO, Alliance for Rights and Recovery; Moderator: Laura Van Tosh, Board Chair, aves-Mental Health (formerly Global Mental Health Peer Network)
- October 1, 2025聽聽聽聽聽聽聽聽 10:00-11:15 am 聽聽聽聽聽聽聽聽 TAKING UP THE FIGHT TO ADDRESS FEDERAL POLICY THREATS!聽聽聽聽
Congressman Paul Tonko; Paolo del Vecchio, Independent Consultant; Jennifer Mathis, Deputy Director Bazelon Center for Mental Health Law; Rob Kent, President, Kent Strategic Advisors; Angelia Smith-Wilson, Executive Director, FOR-NY, representative for Faces and Voices of Recovery. Moderator: Luke Sikinyi, Vice President for Public Policy, Alliance for Rights and Recovery
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SAMHSA鈥檚 New Priorities Can Undercut 25 Years of Progress in Behavioral Health
By Ron Manderscheid, PhD Adjunct Professor Johns Hopkins University and University of Southern California聽 September 11, 2025
Yesterday, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) released a new set of strategic priorities intended to guide federal investment and policy in the field of behavioral health. While the agency presents these priorities as forward-looking, responsive to current needs, and aligned with cross-agency initiatives, they represent a sharp departure from the principles and progress painstakingly built over the past quarter century. For many practitioners, researchers, advocates, and people with lived experience, this realignment risks undoing the advances made since the late 1990s in recovery orientation, consumer voice, peer support, integrated care, and the recognition of behavioral health as inseparable from overall health. The purpose of this commentary is to examine SAMHSA鈥檚 newly announced priorities, explain their significance, and outline why they may undermine decades of hard-won progress.
Over the past quarter century, U.S. behavioral health policy has moved鈥攈altingly but measurably鈥攖oward four pillars: (1) harm reduction integrated with treatment and recovery; (2) person- and community-centered care that elevates lived experience and addresses inequities; (3) crisis response that diverts from jail and hospital whenever safe; and (4) rigorous, transparent science. The 鈥淪AMHSA Strategic Priorities鈥 page updated September 10, 2025, signals a major turn away from that trajectory. The document recasts the agency鈥檚 mission around six headings鈥攑reventing substance misuse; addressing serious mental illness; expanding crisis intervention; improving access to evidence-based treatment; achieving 鈥渓ong-term recovery and sobriety鈥; and tracking 鈥渆merging threats鈥濃攂ut embeds them in explicitly political frames, repudiates prior investments as 鈥渕isguided,鈥 and warns against 鈥渁ny unlawful focus on specific populations (see SAMHSA).鈥
Why does that matter? In practice, the words and omissions mark a shift from the field鈥檚 consensus鈥攎eet people where they are; reduce immediate harm; uphold choice and dignity; build equitable, coordinated systems鈥攖oward an abstinence-primary posture that narrows what counts as 鈥渆vidence-based,鈥 sidelines harm reduction, and widens coercive levers. Three immediate examples show how the new priorities could undercut hard-won gains.
First, the new approach reframes harm reduction itself. It asserts that naloxone and nalmefene have been 鈥渓umped into an ideological concept of harm reduction鈥 and aligns SAMHSA with guidance to ensure grants 鈥渄o not fund鈥 harm-reduction or 鈥渟afe consumption鈥 efforts, except for tightly circumscribed supplies, while explicitly prohibiting federal support for syringes, safer smoking supplies, sterile water and other materials that decades of research link to reduced infectious disease transmission and overdose risk. This is not a minor clarification; it walks back a central plank of overdose response that has helped keep people alive long enough to access treatment and recovery.
Second, the priorities page cites expansion of Assisted Outpatient Treatment (AOT) and civil commitment as exemplars of 鈥減utting priorities to work.鈥 While AOT can be narrowly helpful for some, the evidence base is mixed and deeply context-dependent; scaled loosely, it can crowd out voluntary, community-anchored supports and damage trust, particularly for communities that have borne disproportionate surveillance and coercion. The page also emphasizes 鈥渟trong partnerships between crisis care systems and law enforcement,鈥 a step backward from the last decade鈥檚 cross-agency push to build civilian, health-led crisis continuums (988 + mobile teams + stabilization) precisely to reduce unnecessary police contact. The risk is a major pull back to public-safety frames and away from the health-first, diversion-first model that jurisdictions have been painstakingly assembling.
Third, the updated priorities are being rolled out amid major structural uncertainty. HHS is moving to consolidate agencies into a new 鈥淎dministration for a Healthy America,鈥 with credible reporting that SAMHSA could be absorbed. Even if the final contours change, the signal is unmistakable: fewer dedicated behavioral-health champions inside the federal architecture, more central control, and potential dilution of specialized grant-making and technical assistance capacity鈥攖he very capacities that powered the field鈥檚 progress on crisis systems, block grants, and community-based innovations (see Politico+1).
Seen against the last quarter-century, the consequences could be profound:
鈥 Harm reduction is a bridge, not a wedge. Since the late 1990s, federal and state policy learned (often the hard way) that harm reduction and treatment are complements. Syringe services cut HIV/HCV transmission; safer-use education and supplies reduce fatality risk; low-barrier engagement builds trust and opens doors to MOUD and recovery supports. SAMHSA鈥檚 new guidance draws a bright red line through many of those tools. Programs will scramble to fill funding gaps with state, local, or private dollars; many will not succeed. The likely result: more infections, more disengagement, and fewer opportunities to transition to care鈥攅specially for people at the margins of the system.
路 Equity and lived experience will move off center stage. The
strategic text鈥檚 warning against 鈥渁ny unlawful focus on specific populations鈥 sounds neutral but, in practice, chills targeted investments that the field has used to close gaps (e.g., culturally grounded services; youth-specific prevention; programs for people exiting jails; tribal initiatives). It also contrasts sharply with SAMHSA鈥檚 2023鈥2026 plan, which organized around prevention, access to suicide prevention and mental-health services, resilience for children/youth/families, integration with physical health, and workforce鈥攑riorities developed with and for communities and explicitly attentive to underserved groups. That prior framing aligned with the science of health equity; the new language risks flattening policy into one-size-fits-all funding that reproduces disparities.
鈥 Crisis care is re-policed. The last decade鈥檚 progress on crisis response鈥攃ulminating in 988, civilian mobile teams, and stabilization alternatives鈥攈as been about right-sizing law enforcement鈥檚 role. The priorities page re-centers 鈥渟trong partnerships鈥 with police and elevates AOT/commitment. That creates perverse incentives for states and grantees: faster growth for coercive levers, slower build-out of voluntary, health-led teams; more transport to EDs or lock-ups when a therapeutic alternative existed; more people deterred from dialing 988 if they fear a police response or a court order. These shifts directly threaten the logic many systems (including California鈥檚) have been developing around diversion and continuity of care.
鈥 Science under threat. The priorities page repeatedly invokes 鈥済old-standard science鈥 while, in the same breath, pre-judging whole classes of interventions as 鈥渕isguided鈥 and aligning the agency to slogans. That posture blurs the boundary between evidence synthesis and political messaging. Over time, it weakens SAMHSA鈥檚 convening credibility with states, researchers, clinicians, and peers鈥攖he network that powers guidance, TA, and continuous improvement.
鈥 Housing, with coercion over choice. Recent funding announcements emphasize 鈥渂uilding cross-system capacity鈥 for people who are 鈥渘on-adherent to voluntary outpatient treatment鈥 and promote AOT in homelessness work. Again: some courts use AOT carefully as a last resort; but embedding it as a 鈥渒ey priority鈥 within housing initiatives risks conflating access to shelter with compliance mandates, undercutting Housing First principles that have decades of supportive evidence.
What should leaders, advocates, and providers do now?
路 Protect the continuum. Document, publish, and brief local
officials on how harm-reduction services feed engagement and treatment; quantify infections averted, overdoses reversed, and transitions to MOUD. Move quickly to braid state/local/private dollars to avoid service breaks.
路 Keep crisis care health-led. Maintain MOUs and dispatch
protocols that default to civilian teams, with law-enforcement backup only when necessary. Track鈥攁nd publicly report鈥攎etrics on diversion, safety, and user experience to show why the health-first model outperforms carceral alternatives.
路 Safeguard equity. Continue legally sound targeting of
resources to populations with the largest gaps; ground this in scientific epidemiology. Reuse the 2023鈥2026 plan鈥檚 framing鈥攊ntegration, youth resilience, workforce鈥攁s a crosswalk for state plans and grant applications to maintain momentum inside today鈥檚 shifting federal landscape.
路 Defend scientific independence. In advisory bodies, peer
reviews, and public comments, insist that 鈥済old-standard science鈥 means open methods, unbiased reviews, and complete evidence summaries鈥攊ncluding findings that favor harm-reduction modalities and voluntary care.
Conclusion
SAMHSA鈥檚 newly announced priorities represent more than a bureaucratic shift鈥攖hey threaten to reverse 25 years of progress in behavioral health. By sidelining recovery, weakening consumer voice, marginalizing peer support, narrowing integration efforts, and retreating into fragmented categorical silos, SAMHSA risks undoing reforms that have improved lives across the country. Stakeholders must respond quickly to ensure that behavioral health policy continues to move forward鈥攏ot backward鈥攕o that the vision of recovery, dignity, and full community inclusion remains central. This will involve reaching out to work with SAMHSA to change the priorities just announced. The next 25 years of progress depend on it.
漏 2025 R.W. Manderscheid